Libraries – The Beating Heart of the School

A few days ago, in a letter published in the Guardian, dozens of authors, illustrators, poets, librarians, teachers and others called on the DoE to act on the recommendations of The Beating Heart of the School, a report recently published by the libraries all-party parliamentary group. They requested the Department set up a working party to “draw up an action plan to realise the aim of a good library in every school”.

But what does a good school library look like? This one of the questions asked in the Beating Heart report, and while I’d agree with many of the points made in this chapter, the resulting recommendation makes my heart sink: “…embed the school library in the Ofsted inspection framework”. I do understand the reasoning behind this; the libraries in both schools I worked in undoubtedly benefited, financially and in terms of senior management interest, from critical inspection reports. But the idea that introducing an inspection regime will, in itself, lead to improvement seems hopelessly naive.

I’ve previously blogged about school libraries in Chile. Here, I wrote about the investment which has been made in Chilean school libraries over the course of twenty years: providing not only resources and equipment, but also training and other support nationally, online and regionally. Only after twenty years of this level of input, when most schools can reasonably be expected to have a good school library, is the government now looking to incorporate school libraries into legislation and inspection. Contrast that with the UK where schools library services which provide local support to schools have been in decline since the 1990s and closure is a possibility for at least a quarter of those which remain.

In my view, what makes a good school library is a good school librarian, not a (good or otherwise) Ofsted inspector. There are many fantastic school librarians in the UK doing amazing work, often with little recognition. And to some extent, the Beating Heart report calls for greater recognition for their efforts…but kind words are not enough.

To start at the beginning, pre-service training for school librarians in the UK is woeful. Doing an option module in children’s literature is not sufficient preparation to work in a school library. You also need to understand educational policy and structure; pedagogical theory and practice; classroom management techniques; educational technology etc, in addition to librarianship skills. Elsewhere it’s a different story (take a look at some of these courses accredited by the American Library Association – for example this). But it’s not the universities’ fault. School librarianship isn’t seen as a viable career option by most information studies graduates, understandably so when salaries can be around £15,000 and opportunities for progression limited.

So how can we make school libraries better? In much the same way as we can any organisation better, by attracting talented people into the profession; preparing them adequately to enable them to succeed; supporting them and allowing them to constantly develop and progress; and providing them with the resources they need to do their job. And looking what happens elsewhere in the world, that’s not impossible. But I think it requires more effort and investment than threatening schools with the Ofsted stick and hoping that will solve the problem.

Sarah McNicol

Didsbury: A Life 1946 – 2014.

As some of you are aware, I have been asked to write a history of Didsbury in the light of its forthcoming closure.

I began working on it seriously in January and like most research projects, it has grown and grown. There are least three histories to be written: the ‘celebrator y’ account I was commissioned to write which records Didsbury’s achievements over the past 67 years; a local history which analyses the relationship between suburban wealth and power and the ‘shock city’ of Manchester down the road and also, the ways in which a discourse of ‘progress’ moves from religion to education; and an account of the ways in which first as a College, then as part of the Polytechnic and University, staff and students have mediated, accommodated and sometimes resisted a politics which increasingly prescribed and policed higher education. What will be published shortly is the first of these histories but with elements of the other two.

First, in the Govian tradition, the facts. Didsbury as a building began life in 1790 as a country house when the front of what is now the Administration Building was built. It was surrounded by parkland and was one of a number of mansions built along the turnpike road over the next 50 years. In 1842, it was bought by the Wesleyan Methodists as a theological training college for their priests. They added the sides and eventually the back of the building and stone faced to give it the look it has today. They also built the lodge and chapel. Apart from two moments of national service as a wartime hospital, Didsbury remained a theology college until 1946 when it was sold to Manchester Education Committee and opened as an emergency teacher training college, one of a 100 or so across the country. The first students – 246 of them – were all servicemen and women were not admitted until 1948. It became a permanent college in 1950 and a College of Education in 1963 with the power to award the B.Ed overseen by Manchester University. From 1973 it awarded CNAA degrees and became part of the Polytechnic in 77 and the University in 92. Most of the current buildings were built between 1958 and 1975 when higher education was seen as a benefit rather than a cost.

Enough of the facts which dominate the first two chapters. The remaining four chapters focus on the oral history of the 30 or so former students and staff I have interviewed, the documentary evidence of policy initiatives which have impacted on teacher education in particular, HMI/Ofsted reports, and the push towards ‘partnership, and a chapter I call ‘Researching and Writing Didsbury’. Here I trace the ways in which the creation of the Research Base as it was called initially, built on a pre- university research tradition. The chapter also charts the sometimes fierce debate between ‘professional research’ intended to be undertaken by all staff and more theoretical and conceptual work with the RAE looming large. The last chapter is called ‘Didsbury’s Inheritance’ and argues for a long standing commitment on the part of generations of staff to subject knowledge which cannot be reduced to the National Curriculum, to enabling students to develop an appropriately complex professional identity, and to social justice which takes many forms.

I think it makes for a good read but you might think differently

Andy Pickard

A REPORT FROM ‘A SENSE OF INEQUALITY’ WORKSHOP – MANCHESTER

Last week, Laura and Kim were invited to speak at a brilliant one-day conference organised by CRESC and the University of Manchester, entitled ‘A sense of inequality’.  They drew on findings from the project to  attend to young people’s everyday negotiations and understandings of inequality. In this short blog post, Laura and Kim give a brief report on their presentation and the day itself.

‘A Sense of Inequality’ – organised by Wendy Bottero and Helene Snee – brought together a range of speakers from sociology to explore the significance that people place on questions of inequality in their day to day lives and what shapes these everyday ‘views’ or framings of inequalities.

gatesIn our presentation (‘Extraordinary acts and ordinary pleasures: the role of celebrity culture in young people’s interpretations of inequality’), we located young people’s talk about celebrity as a novel and interesting way in which to explore how people think about inequalities in the present conjecture. Our starting point was that, despite the last two years seeing record levels of youth unemployment, rising tuition fees, and growing numbers of young people in low paid and precarious work, there are no shortage of images of wealth and consumption in mainstream media and popular culture – particularly within celebrity culture.  How then do young people make sense of this disparity?

beyDrawing on group and individual interview data from the project,  and developing Michael Billig’s work on ordinary families talking about the Royal Family – we argued that  in comparing their lives with those of the rich and famous, young people are actively making sense of the massive disparity between them.  Specifically, by replacing envy or anger with pleasure in being ‘ordinary’, young people’s talk about celebrity serves a social function by naturalising social inequalities.  Taking a fine-grain approach to young people’s sense-making practices, we identified and talked through the different rhetorical strategies young people used when talking about the wealth and status of celebrities, interrogating the justifications and judgements made by young people as they make sense of different forms of wealth and privilege. This included talking about celebrities doing extraordinary things and celebritiesmaintaining their ordinariness within extraordinary circumstances.  We also drew on Steve Cross and Jo Littler’s work on schadenfreude to consider how locating celebrities as disgusting and inauthentic operated as a response to inequality, and considered the gendered and classed nature of these attempts at ‘levelling through humiliation’. You can view and download our presentation here.

It was great to share our work with delegates and to hear five other fantastic papers.  These included Sam Friedman’s (City University / LSE) paper on subjective experiences of social mobility. Using Bourdieu’s  work on habitus, Sam revealed the tensions and emotional ‘trauma’ that accompanies class ‘movement’. In this way, Sam’s paper powerfully interrupted and challenged the banal and overly celebratory discourses of social mobility that dominate the political and social register. Constantino Dumangane (University of Cardiff) gave a fascinating paper from his PhD research about the experiences of British Black men in elite universities. Constantino examined how race, class and gender intersected in different ways to inform these men’s access to higher education and feelings of belonging (or not belonging). Most revealing were the men’s accounts of experiencing micro-aggressions of racism and subtle forms of classed and raced misrecognition from staff and students, reminders that the spaces of elite higher education continue to privilege whiteness despite claims of ‘doing diversity’.

Bridget Byrne (University of Manchester) presented work on (mainly middle class) parents’ school choice and the ways in which class and race were negotiated as parents contemplated ‘the right mix’ for their children. Bridget attended to the ways in which racial difference and class disgust were manifest in parents’ talk about ‘bad families’, ‘rough areas’, and ‘avoiding the scum’.  At a time where the school market is being increasingly fragmented by Gove’s education policies, and where parental choice remains a key mantra of neoliberalism, Bridget’s work revealed both the considerable burden parents experienced in this process and the ways in which these decisions inevitably contribute to the reproduction of inequality.  The final two papers – from Sarah Irwin (University of Leeds) and Wendy Bottero (University of Manchester) – focused on the methodological and theoretical challenges of exploring how people make sense of their social location, and how they might respond to feelings of constraint, anger and resentment at inequality in ways other than explicit political protest. You can read a Storify of tweets from the day here.

The day ended with a rich discussion of both how we understand  and can attend to forms of ‘resistance’ beyond the obvious, and on our role and responsibility as academics in challenging inequalities beyond simply writing about them. Ending on a positive and apt note given the theme of the day, the speakers and delegates posed for a picture to show our support for Lambeth College UCU members who are striking indefinitely to protect their pay and conditions (find out more about Lambeth here).

lambeth

We’d like to thank the organisers for inviting us to attend and present our work, and for all those who contributed to the discussion.

Kim Allen and Laura Harvey 

Kim is currently working on the ESRC funded project Celebrity and Youth project with Heather Mendick (Brunel University) and Laura Harvey (University of Surrey). This was originally posted on the CelebYouth blog.

 

Why don’t children in colliery towns learn about the miners’ stike?

ESRI’s Geoff Bright is featured in the article below, talking about children in colliery towns and the miner’s strike. The article was originally published in the Guardian. Great work Geoff!


Powered by Guardian.co.ukThis article titled “Why don’t children in colliery towns learn about the miners’ stike?” was written by Chris Arnot, for The Guardian on Tuesday 1st July 2014 06.25 UTC

Ian Buxton, deputy headteacher, is nursing a Nottingham Forest mug and sitting near a photograph of Bolsover colliery at Bolsover school, Derbyshire. His mug tells its own little story: Forest supporters have long had to endure chants of "scab" when their team plays around here. The chanters are making an oblique reference to the miners' strike of 30 years ago, even though most Forest fans were never miners and most of the chanters weren't even born at the time.

Buxton, 60, remembers the strike well. He started work here in January, 1984, when he was still living in Retford, Nottinghamshire, and the strike began two months later. "Every time I drove to school, there were lines of police on the county border," he recalls. "The first few times I was stopped and they'd go through the car."

The men in his family worked at Annesley colliery. "My father insisted that I wouldn't go down the pit," says Buxton. Instead he went to teacher training college in London, and by 1984 he had been qualified for seven years.

Ian Buxton
Ian Buxton, deputy headteacher at Bolsover school, lived in Nottinghamshire but taught in Derbyshire when the strike started. ‘There were lines of police at the county border,’ he recalls. Photograph: Christopher Thomond for the Guardian

It was a difficult time to be teaching in a colliery town. "Some staff had families split between those who had joined the strike and those who had stayed at work. One member of staff, I remember, had two sons on different sides."

As far as students were concerned, "there was a little bit of tension but it didn't really come into school that much. We had a sixth form in those days and there were some healthy debates at post-16 level." Edwina Currie came in to talk to sixth formers, he says. Currie was a Derbyshire MP and a member of Margaret Thatcher's cabinet. The local MP was, and is, Labour's Dennis Skinner, a fierce supporter of the strikers.

But 30 years on, how much do young people in the former mining towns know about the strike that divided their communities? The answer is not a lot, according to research by Dr Geoff Bright from Manchester Metropolitan University. While the communities are still suffering from the results of the conflict, those still at school know little about the dramatic history of their own neighbourhoods.

Bright, a research associate in the university's Education and Social Research Institute and author of a new book, There's a Kind of Haunting Going On, spent six years interviewing students in this area who had been excluded or were on the verge of exclusion from school and talking to them about their lives and their communities. The vast majority were boys. At one time they would probably have followed their fathers into mining, for a dirty and hazardous but nonetheless steady living and the opportunity to learn electrical or mechanical skills. But those jobs no longer exist.

Mining communities have traditionally been conscious of their shared history. But not now, says Bright. "Kids don't know their own histories, yet they're still playing them out," he says. He cites the way youths from one village will routinely call those from another "scabs", leading to some "very nasty" confrontations. Their knowledge about the actual events is very limited.

Bright is all too aware, though, that telling students what really went on in 1984-5 is not easy, with the sensitivities of parents with long memories and the constraints of the national curriculum.

No students from Bolsover school were involved in Bright's research. Chatting to some of them, though, is fascinating. Ellie Whittaker, 15, was due to answer questions on the American west and medicine through time when I spoke to her shortly before her history GCSE exam. Her father, grandfathers and uncles were all miners. "Grandad Keith's always going on about it," she smiles. "He's got bits of coal in his back." Was he in or out during the strike? "Not sure."

He was in, as it happens, but only because he was a member of NACODS, the deputies' union charged with keeping collieries safe for strikers to go back to. The rest of the family were all out.

So was Jamie Brown's father, Dave, now chairman of the school governors. Does he talk about the strike? "No. But he did tell me about his accident underground when a machine fell on his leg."

Like Ellie, Jamie has studied the Romans, the Tudors and the second world war as part of the history syllabus. "I am interested in the history of mining, though," he says. "I've been underground [at the National Mining museum] in Wakefield with my Mum. Didn't like the look of it. I couldn't do a job like that."

Had he been born at another time, he may not have had much choice. As it is, Jamie wants to join the army.

Ellie Whittaker and Jamie Brown
Ellie Whittaker and Jamie Brown, year 11 pupils at Bolsover school, say they have not been taught about the strike or been told much about it by their relatives who took part. Photograph: Christopher Thomond for the Guardian

Headteacher Gordon Inglis is conscious of the need to expand his students' horizons, "enabling individuals to fulfil their potential within our dynamic 21st-century economy", as it says in the school vision. Hence annual trips to Shanghai and a sister school in West Africa, and hence the clocks in the entrance hall telling the time in New York, Buenos Aires, Hong Kong and Sydney. At the same time he tries hard to connect the children with their mining past through extra- curricular projects. By his own admission, though, he is "nervous about upsetting the local community" when it comes to discussing the strike.

Bright hopes that his research will make schools and support services in former mining areas more aware of what he calls "the complex consequences of the history of de-industrialisation". The mining communities, he says, "weren't just isolated; they were self-contained. They inherited a cultural history that had been handed down orally. Those communities had their own narratives, a sense of their own part in a dangerous and precarious industry."

There is still some awareness of that legacy in areas such as South Yorkshire and south Wales, he says. "But the educational aspirations of kids from former mining towns are still being affected by the positioning of those communities as 'the enemy within' by the prime minister of the time, Margaret Thatcher. It's hard to see that you have a stake in things when your family and community have been positioned like that."

In areas such as Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire, meanwhile, Bright believes that children are aware of deep-lying conflicts but unaware of the causes. So is it the job of schools to impart that missing knowledge?

"That's a matter of very fine judgment. If they're in a position to do that, yes. Schools are under massive pressure to present themselves as a success story. I don't want to undermine that. I'm simply making the case for complexity. Some would say that this is an issue that has gone, that it's done and dusted. I would argue that it's not. It keeps presenting itself."

Chris Arnot is the author of Britain's Lost Mines

guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010

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ICA Conference: Cooperatives in local and regional development – Pula, Croatia 25-28 June 2014.

I recently attended the ICA Research Conference in Croatia along with fellow early-career researchers Sally Hartley and Debbie Ralls. Our panel on education and innovation, which was very well received amongst the delegates, was chaired by Linda Shaw of Cooperative College UK.
Our work had the central theme of education and was complementary and diverse in content, allowing a wide-perspective on the discussion of education in cooperative contexts. Debbie Ralls (University of Manchester) is in the early stages of a PhD, which is exploring the practice of engagement in a newly established cooperative school. Dr Sally Hartley (The Open University) has recently completed a PhD on youth cooperatives in Africa, where she explored the multiple informal learning opportunities that these created.
My paper was an outline of my PhD, which is exploring the motivations of school leaders in England as they embark their cooperative journey. I told the emerging story of cooperative schools in England, which is one of rapid growth and optimism. I explored some of the contextual factors that have created the conditions for this growth and, by drawing on early evidence gathered in a small pilot study, presented some tensions and possibilities for the model.
Our panel was very enthusiastically received with conversation and discussion extending well beyond the session. There is particular interest in how cooperatives can work to develop the ‘cooperative character’ and thereby develop opportunities for wider social change.
The conference was particularly helpful to me as I think about my own project and situate it in the wider international and historical context of the co-operative movement.  There is a strong international interest in the emergence of these schools in England – I became involved in several critical conversations and made some positive connections to take forward.Thank you to the Rochdale Pioneers Memorial Fund for supporting this work.
Joanna Dennis

 

On the other side of the desk

I wrote an earlier blog about my experience of doing a PhD as an embedded researcher (read the blog here, the research paper here, a book chapter here, and check out the network blog here). With my traumas over I find myself on the other side of the desk as a supervisor to two PhD students whom are both doing their PhDs as embedded researchers.

It is symptomatic of embedded research that both students don’t want me to talk about their research for fear of upsetting the host organisation. Happily this isn’t because they have devious, ulterior motives written into their research designs, with an example line from their research plan: ‘week 45: strip mine data from pupils and teachers and sell to whichever organisation buys NHS patient data’. Rather, doing embedded research is small ‘p’ precarious, political, personal research. So having me running my gums about the challenges they are facing would not be exactly politic. Indeed, one student doesn’t want to identify himself/herself as an embedded researcher because this might change the way people in his/her research setting. Mum/ dad are literally the words.

Getting into the spirit of passing on my wisdom or at least explaining the particularly haggardly lines and scars on my face and very soul, I gave a class on doing embedded research as part of the MRes at ESRI. The slides are below:

In the slides I gave my tips on doing embedded research:

  • Start researching straight away! No really, start researching straight away. The initiative will no doubt change and most likely finish between the year two fieldwork phase. Get going!
  • Do lots of research on lots of different things. It won’t always be clear what your research is about, who and what is important or not. I believed the people I was researching when they said the initiative was about cultural change. It ended up being, in my view, about leadership so keep collecting data so you can change direction and have the empirical material to support your argument.
  • Identify (and re-negotiate) your relationship to the research commissioner, the organisation and everyone else. As I said above, embedded research is personal and political so you need to work with your gate keeper but also acknowledge where this locates you in the organization so you aren’t seen as the bossman’s/ bosswoman’s spy.
  • Understand power relations. See above.
  • Protect your privileged position. First of all you don’t really have a privileged position, not really. It is likely that someone powerful in the organization supports your work but apart from that you don’t really matter all that much. The trick is that not everyone knows this. In any event, learn to say ‘no’ if people keep asking you to do things that you don’t want to do.
  • Defend your thesis’ neutrality, offer micro-research. There is a chance that the individuals and organization supporting your research will want a fair-and-balanced appraisal of their initiative, what does and does not work. Equally likely however there is a danger that they will want positive puff-pieces to legitimate what they think works. Be very clear that the thesis is neutral and sacrosanct. You could negotiate micro-research projects that enable you to collect data and present it in accessible ways quickly to inform the initiative.
  • Be useful!
  • Play the long game! The world is a fast moving place and in a lot of places people move on. Pressures may lapse or views expressed off-the record can be returned to if key people move on. And they will 3 years is an eternity in most organizations. You are there for the long haul, relax and enjoy the ride.

If anyone else has any other advice or ideas I would love to hear them!

James Duggan